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http://www.archive.org/details/firstvisitofdelaOOmars 



DE LA SALLE 



AMONG THE 



SENECAS, 



IN 



1669. 



'sU^tr s£e^ f 













nT\ 



/ 



In the City of Rouen, the ancient Capital of Nor- 
mandy, almost under the shadow of its renowned Cathe- 
dral, was born, on the 22d day of November 1643, 
Robert Cavelier de La Salle. 

Descended from an honorable parentage, he received, 
under the care of the Jesuits, all the advantages of a 
liberal education, and for a brief period was enrolled as 
a member of their Order. 

When he left them on the death of his Father, it was 
without fortune, for by his connection with their Society, 
he had forfeited all claim to the parental heritage. 

With no resources save his indomitable energy and 
scientific accomplishments, and no apparent induce- 
ments except the love of adventure and a desire to visit 
an elder brother then resident in Canada, he embarked for 
the New World in 1666, where he founded near Mon- 
treal, the village of "La. Chine." 

Increased attention has within the last few years, been 
directed to his researches and explorations on this Con- 
tinent. 

The recent discovery of various manuscripts relating 
to his explorations along our Northern Lakes and 
Western Rivers as far as the Gulf of Mexico, has 
awakened a fresh interest in this subject. A large mass 
of new material is now in the possession of Mr. Pierre 
Margry, of Paris, for the publication of which $10,000 
has recently been appropriated by an Act of our Con- 



gress, procured by the joint efforts of some of the most 
eminent of our American Historians, aided by our own 
and other Historical Societies. 

While on a recent visit to Paris, I was enabled, through 
the courtesy of Mr. Margry, to examine his rare collec- 
tions, and can testify to their value and importance. 

The proposed publication will embrace several 
volumes of original material. 

Three will be devoted to the discoveries and explora- 
tions of La Salle, and one to each of the following 
subjects : 

The Pioneers of the Mississippi. 

Le Moyne D'Iberville, First Royal Governor of 
Louisiana. 

Le Moyne de Bienville, Second Ruyal Governor of 
Louisiana, 

Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, Third Royal Governor 
of Louisiana. 

The Chain of Western Posts, and 

The Indians. Making in all ten volumes. 

They will be issued under a contract, which has been 
concluded between Mr. Margry and the Joint Library 
Committee of Congress. The first volume is nearly 
ready for the press, and will be looked for with much 
interest by students of American history. 

Mr. Margry has been engaged, for many years, in col- 
lecting the material for this publication, his official con- 
nection with the Department of the Ministere de la 
Marine, in Paris, having afforded him special facilities 
for the undertaking. 

Among his collections, I found an unpublished manu- 
script journal, copied from the original in the Biblio- 



thcque Nationale, in Paris, giving an account of an expe- 
dition undertaken by La, Salle and two Sulpician Mis- 
sionaries into the country of the Senecas, more than 
200 years ago. 

As one of the special objects of this Society is the 
discovery and preservation of historical material relating 
to the settlement of Western New York, whether con- 
fined to the pioneer enterprises of the whites, or em- 
bracing their first intercourse and transactions with the 
Indians, I willingly accepted the friendly offer of Mr. 
Margiy, to furnish the extract from the journal in ques- 
tion, a translation of which I beg leave to introduce to 
your attention this evening, as the basis of my present 
paper. 

Aside from its intrinsic interest, it seemed to be of 
sufficient historical importance to entitle it to a place 
among our archives. 

It describes the first visit of La Salle to Western New 
York, made in 1669, before he had acquired the renown 
which his subsequent adventures and explorations af- 
fixed to his name. The people he visited were our 
early neighbors. They met him in council, spoke the 
same peculiar language we have so often heard in our 
streets, and exhibited many of the customs and manners 
which even now prevail among their descendants. 

The map annexed to the journal, foims an interesting 
illustration of the knowledge acquired by the party, of 
the form and size of the North American Lakes during 
their long pioneer voyage from Montreal to the Sault 
Ste Marie. The copy which I obtained is afac simile of 
the original, and measures <Ll feet in length, by 2\ feet 
in breadth. It is covered with the annotations of 



6 

Galinee, mostly inverted, so as to be read only from the 
north side, owing to his stand point being, when he 
drew it, on the Canadian side of the Great Lakes, look- 
ing towards the south. It has never yet been published. 
but will undoubtedly be reproduced among Mr. Mar- 
gry's papers. 

The missionaries attached to the expedition, were 
Francois Dollier de Casson, and Rene de Brehart de 
Galinee, both attached to the Order of St. Sulpice. The 
former had been a cavalry officer under Marshal Turenne. 
At the date of this expedition, he was about 40 years 
old, and Superior of the Seminary belonging to his 
Order at Montreal. He was a man of commanding 
presence and tried courage, of which he had given 
proofs in the campaign of Governor Courcelles against 
the Mohawks in 1666. 

His strength was so prodigious, that he was said to be 
able to carry two men, sitting, one in each hand. 

Galinee, the historian of the enterprise, was skilled in 
the Algonkin tongue, and had no little reputation as a 
surveyor and astronomer. He could construct a chart 
of his travels through the wilderness, so as to be able to 
retrace his way. 

Both priests were ardent and zealous for the conver- 
sion of the North American Indians to the Roman faith, 
and had long been waiting for some favorable oppor- 
tunity, to penetrate, for that purpose, the vast and as 
yet unexplored regions of the west. 

De La Salle, then 36 years old, had resided in Canada 
about three years, and the opportunities he had enjoyed 
for intercourse with the Iroquois and other western 
tribes, who were accustomed to visit Montreal for the 



purposes of trade, had not been neglected. From them 
he had heard of the Ohio, the Mississippi,"' and of the 
boundless forests and prairies- through which they flowed, 
teeming with game and the fur bearing animals. They 
had told him of the vast lakes, as yet unnavigated save 
by their frail canoes, on the borders of which were in- 
exhaustible mines, yielding the richest ores of iron and 
copper. 

His imagination kindled at the recital, and so great 
was his ambition to accomplish his favorite object, that 
he sold the possessions he had acquired in Canada, to 
realize the means for defraying the expenses of an expe- 
dition to test the truth of the Indian narrations. 

Encouraged by the patronage of Courcelles the 
Governor, and Talon the Intendant of Canada, who 
were lavish of all except pecuniary aid, lie resolved to 
ascend the St. Lawrence, and passing through the chain 
of Western Lakes, to seek for the great river, that, hav- 
ing its source in the Iroquois country, flowed, according 
to Indian authority, into a far distant sea, and which 
Champlain and L'Escarbot had confidently hoped might 
be the westerly road to. China and Japan. 

In the summer of 16G9, La Salle organized, with the 
two Sulpicians, a joint expedition to accomplish their 
several purposes — the former to prosecute his discov- 
eries in the west, and the missionaries to baptize into the 
Roman faith, the neophytes they should secure among 
the sedentary and nomad tribes found in the valleys of 
the Ohio, the Mississippi and the Lakes. 

AVhen every thing was ready for a speedy departure, 

*The Mississippi was alluded to by name in the Jesuit relations as early as 
1670. Its outlet was then supposed to be in the "Florida Sea." 
Relation 1670-1, pp. 93, 144 and 175. 



the unfortunate assassination of an Iroquois chief by 
three French soldiers at Montreal, detained them fifteen 
days, and threatened a renewal of the war which had 
just then, happily terminated. The execution of the 
guilty soldiers expiated their crime, and propitiated the 
offended Iroquois. All fear of reprisals being allayed, . 
the party left La Chine* on the 6th clay of July — La 
Salle with 15 men in four canoes, and De Casson and 
Galinee, with seven men in three canoes, escorted by 
two other canoes containing a party of Senecas who had 
been the guests of La Salle in Montreal, during the pre- 
ceding winter. They ascended the St. Lawrence, 
threading the intricate channels formed by the Thousand 
islands, carrying their canoes and effects around the 
numerous and difficult portages they met on the way, 
and at length, after 27 days of incessant toil, in which 
they suffered severely from disease and exposure, they 
reached the broad expanse of Lake Ontario. Coasting 
along its southern shore, they landed on the 10th day of 
August, at the mouth of Irondequoit Bay, four miles 
east of the Genesee river. This bay was, in early times, 
the principal route by which the Senecas were ac- 

*So called, perhaps in derision, from its being their supposed starting 
point for China. Paul Le Jeune, Superior of the Jesuit missions in Canada, 
in a letter from Quebec dated Sept. 10th, 1640, gives a curious account of an 
attempt on the part of an Englishman, accompanied by a single servant and 
a party of Abenaki Indians, to cross the American Continent in search of a 
northwest passage to the sea. He arrived at Quebec on the 24th day of June 
1640. The Governor compelled him to return to England. Relation 
1639-40, p. 135. 

It was the favorite belief of the early travelers in American, that an over- 
land route to China was practicable. 1. Le Clercq Etablissement de la Foi, 
p. 195. 

Father Vimont says that the Jesuit " Raymbault, designed to go to China 
across the American wilderness, but God sent 1dm on the road to heaven.' 1 '' He 
died at the Saut de Ste. Marie, in 1641. Relation 1642-3, p. 271. 



9 

•customed to pass between their villages and the lake. 
There was a portage from the head of the bay, across to 
the Genesee river, striking the latter above the falls at 
Rochester, which afforded a much shorter and more 
convenient route to the upper waters of the Genesee, 
and to the sources of the Ohio, than by ascending the 
channel through its mouth. 

The bay is first noticed on the map annexed to the 
Jesuit Relation published in 1666, and is frequently al- 
luded to in subsequent narratives of early western ex- 
ploration. A fort was built by the French on the sandy 
bar at its mouth, soon after the commencement of the last 
century, and appropriately called u Fort des Sables." 
It does not appear to have been permanently garrisoned, 
its site being, for a long time, debatable ground between 
the French and the English. The latter obtained a deed 
from the Senecas in 1741, of a parallelogram bounding 
on the lake, embracing within its limits the whole of the 
bay, and extending inland to the depth of thirty miles. 
Denonville landed in the bay, and constructed on its 
shore a defensive work for the protection of his boats, 
when on his celebrated expedition against the Senecas 
in 1687.* 

At the date of La Salle's visit, the whole of the pre- 
sent State of New York, was a dense and unbroken 
wilderness, its soil untilled by the white man, and its 
forest recesses unexplored, save by the Jesuits in their 

*The Seneca name of this bay, corrupted by the English into "Ironde- 
quoit" and "Gerundegut," furnishes an interesting illustration of the Indian 
custom of bestowing significant names upon prominent localities. They call 
it "O-nyiu-da-on-da-gwat," the word being compounded of "Ga-nyiu-da-eh," 
lake, and "O-da-gwah," it turns aside. Literally, "the lake turns aside," or 
forms a bay, an etymological compound, analagous to the English term 
" in-let." 



10 

missionary enterprises, and the French and Dutch, from 
Montreal and Fort Orange, in their prosecution of the 
fur trade. The Iroquois tribes were of a sedentary 
character, and the alluvial bottoms within the neigh- 
borhood and protection of their villages, yielded to 
their rude cultivation, rich returns of maize, beans, 
squashes and melons, furnishing ample food for their 
subsistence."" 

Their villages, four in number, were all east of the 
Genesee River. The largest, called Ga-o-sa-eli-ga-aalt, 
occupied what has since been known as Boughton Hill, 
in Ontario County, just south of Victor Station, on the 
Central Railroad, and midway between Rochester and 
Canandaigua. The second in importance, De-yu-di-haak- 
doh, was in a large bend of the Honeoye outlet, in 
Livingston County, about ten miles south of Rochester. 
The third, CM-nos-hali-geli, was nearly four miles southeast 
of Victor, and the fourth, De-o-don-sot, five miles south- 
east of Avon Springs, at the source of the little Conesus 
Creek. These four villages formed, as it were, the 
angles of a nearly right angled parallelogram, the two 
nearest Lake Ontario being about 18 miles southerly 
therefrom. The corresponding Mohawk names of these 
four villages, as written by Denonville, were Gannagaro, 
Totiakto, Gannogarae and Gannounata.f 

*The Swedish, naturalist Kalm, who travelled extensively in North America 
in 1748-9, says, that "maize, kidney Deans, pumpions, squashes, gourds, 
" watermelons and muskmelons were cultivated by the Indians long before 
"the arrival of Europeans." Kami's Travels, Vol. III., P. 295. Possibly 
the seeds of some of these fruits were introduced among the natives by the 
Jesuits, early in the 17th Century, and being found by subsequent travellers, 
were supposed by them to be indigenous. 

f See an account of the location of these villages and of their identification 
by the author, in the second volume of the N. Y, Historical Collections, 
second series, p. 15S. 



11 

The earliest recorded visit made to these villages by 
the white man, was that of Father Chaumonot, in the 
latter part of 1656, thirteen years before the expedition 
of La Salle.'"" 

It did not result in any permanent mission among the 
Senecas, as he remained but a short time in their coun- 
try. The wars then raging between the Iroquois and 
their savage neighbors, were wholly incompatible with 
missionary enterprises. 

It was not until the year 1667, that the Jesuits made 
permanent arrangements for the culture of this new and 
remote field. In July of that year, Fathers Fremin, 
Pierron and Bruyas, left Quebec for the Iroquois coun- 
try. They were detained on their way for more than a 
month at Fort St. Anne, on the outlet of Lake Cham- 
plain, through fear of the Mohegans, then on a raid 
against the Mohawks. Their alarm having subsided, 
they left the fort on the 23d of August, and arrived at 
" Gan-cla-oua-ge," a Mohawk village which had witnessed 
the labors and death of the Jesuit martyr Jogues, 
twenty-one years before. Here Fremin and Pierron now 
established themselves in their missionary work. Father 
Bruyas passed on to Oneida, where he arrived in Sep- 
tember, and was soon after joined by Gamier. 

But another field farther west was calling for laborers, 
and Gamier, in obedience to the summons, left for the 

*Some American historians are of the opinion that Champlain, in his ex- 
pedition against the Iroqnois in 1615, laid seige to a Seneca village then 
' situated on the west side of Canandaigua Lake. Doc. History of N. Y., 
Vol. III., p. 10. Champlains works, Quebec edition, p. 528. It appears to 
the author, on a careful examination of Champlain's journal and map, 
that he came no further west than Onondaga Lake. Sec N. Y. Historical 
Proceedings, 1849, p. 96. 



12 

Central Canton of the Onondagas, where he was joined 
by two new recruits, Millet* and Carheil, in October of 
the following year. 

Leaving Millet at Onondaga, Carheil proceeded west- 
ward to Caynga, where he arrived in November, 1668, 
and remained in missionaiy work for several years, but 
was finally driven out through the influence of the 
haughty " O-re-oua-he," otherwise called "La Grand 
Guele." He spent sixty years of missionary life among 
the Indians, and died in Quebec in 1726. 

Missions having thus been established in the four 
eastern Cantons of the Iroquois, the Senecas, the most 
populous and warlike of the confederacy, desirous of 
sharing in the same religious advantages, sent a deputa- 
tion of their most influential chiefs to Montreal in No- 
vember, 1668, asking the Jesuits to send missionaries to 
their villages. 

The request was promptly granted, for when was 
such an appeal ever made to a Jesuit in vain. They 
selected Father Fremin, who had now spent a year 
among the Mohawks, for the new mission, and he was 
soon on his way to the country of the fierce and haughty 
Senecas, leaving Pierron to conduct, single handed, the 
former mission. He arrived at " Tsonnontonan "f on 
the first day of November, 1668, in the midst of a raging 
epidemic, which was so destructive, that he was obliged 
to summon Father Gamier from Onondaga to his aid. 

*Millet continued at Onondaga until 1671. He was then transferred to 
Oneida, where he remained until 1684, when he returned to Canada. He 
was taken prisoner near Fort Frontenac by the Oneidas in 1689, but his 
life was saved through his adoption by a squaw. He finally succeeded in 
obtaining his release, and returned to Quebec in 1694. Father Charlevoix 
saw him in 1722, and speaks of him in terms of the highest consideration. 

f This was the general name of the Seneca country. See Appendix. 



13 

Frerain chose for his residence the village of Gan-dow- 
ga-rae,* x " situated on the banks of a stream now known 
as Mud Creek, nearly four miles southeast of Victor, a 
site which until quite recently, bore many evidences of 
former Indian occupancy. He there founded the mis- 
sion of St. Michael, in which he continued to labor until 
1671. 

Gamier located at the village called by the Mohawks 
Gan-da-chi-ra-gou, described on page 10 as Ga-o-sa-eh- 
ga-aah in Seneca, situated on what is now known as 
Boughton Hill, where he remained until 1683. Henne- 
pin saw him there in 1679, at the time negotiations were 
instituted with the Senecas in behalf of La Salle, for 
permission to build a fort or storehouse on the Niagara, 
and a vessel above the Falls. 

These missions being thus fully established, Father 
Fremin, as Superior, called a general council of all the 
Jesuits laboring in them, to meet at Onondaga for con- 
sultation as to the best means for promoting their mis- 
sionary work, or, in the language of Father Bruyas, 
" for advancing the salvation of souls, the glory of God 
"and the Iroquois Missions." 

They assembled on the 29th day of August, 1669, in 
full council. Fremin left the Seneca Mission of St. 
Michael to attend the convocation on the tenth day of 
the same month, the very day that the expedition, under 
La Salle and the two Sulpicians, landed at Irondequoit 
Bay, as before stated, on their way to Gannagaro, or St. 
James, on Boughton Hill.f 

The avowed object of La Salle and his companions, in 

*See page 10 where it is called Gannogarae. 
•(•Jesuit Relation 1670, p. 75, Canada Edition. 



14 

visiting the Senecas, was to obtain a guide competent to 
conduct them through the unknown wilderness that lay 
between their villages and the sources of the Ohio. The 
unfortunate absence of Fremin and Gamier at the Onon- 
daga Council during all the time of their visit, was un- 
doubtedly the principal cause of the failure of the expe- 
dition, as they were the only individuals who had a 
knowledge of the Indian language, sufficient to enable 
them to interpret between the French and the Senecas. 
There is good reason for the belief that they were absent 
by design. La Salle had formerly been a member of 
their Order, but had resigned before he . came to> 
America, its rigid discipline and ascetic vows not har- 
monizing with his restless ambition and love of adventure. 
Although he was engaged for twenty years in western 
explorations, frequently meeting the Jesuits in his 
travels and visiting them in their missions, there is not, 
in all the twenty volumes of their Relations published 
during that period, a single allusion to his name or to 
any of his discoveries. While the Griffin was building 
at the mouth of the Cayuga Creek, La Salle was travers- 
ing the Niagara and the borders of Lake Ontario, hold- 
ing councils with the Senecas in the villages in which 
the Jesuits were established, yet they omitted to record 
in their writings, the slightest notice of his presence or 
reference to his enterprises. There can be no satisfac- 
tory explanation of all this, except the jealousy enter- 
tained by the Order, of one who had withdrawn from 
their communion, and boldly undertaken an independent 
part in the exploration and development of a country 
which they had appropriated as their own peculiar field 
of labor. 



15 

There also existed no little jealousy between the 
Jesuits and the Sulpicians, which undoubtedly had its 
influence in preventing the success of any enterprise in 
which the latter were engaged. 

The time chosen by La Salle and his companions was 
deemed favorable for their visit to the Senecas, the 
French and Iroquois being now at peace, and the Jesuits 
established in fixed missions, in all the Cantons of the 
Five Nations, as before stated. 

These preliminary remarks, embracing a few personal 
sketches of the leaders of the expedition, and character- 
istics of the Indians they encountered, some notices of 
the country into which they so boldly entered, and of 
the missions which had already been established, are 
deemed pertinent, as an introduction to the Journal of 
Galinen. 

In the translation which follows. I have adhered as 
closely to the original as the obscure and antiquated 
French in which it is written would admit. 

EXTRACT FROM THE JOURNAL OF GALINEE. 

" After thirty-five days of very difficult navigation, we 
arrived at a small river called by the Indians " Karonta- 
gouat,"* which is the nearest point on the lake to "Son- 
nontouan," and about one hundred leagues southwest 
of Montreal. I took the latitude of this place on the 
26th of August, 1669, with my JacobstaffJ As I had a 
very fine horizon on the north, no land, but the open 
lake, being visible in that direction, I took the altitude 
on that side as being; the least liable to error, 

*The Mohawk name for Irondequoit Bay. 

+A Jacobstaff was a rude graduated instrument with moveable indexes, 
used before the invention of the quadrant by Hadley. 



16 

I found the sun to be distant 33° from the zenith, to 
which I added 10° 12' for its north declination on that 
day. The equinoctial was found to be distant from the 
zenith, and consequently the Arctic Pole elevated above 
the horizon at this place, 43° 12', which is its true lati- 
tude, and agrees quite well with the latitude which I 
found in estimating the points of compass we had run 
over, agreeably to the usage of sailors, who are never 
without knowledge of their position, although destitute 
of an instrument with which to take an observation. 

We had no sooner arrived in this place than we were 
visited by a number of Indians, who came to make us 
small presents of Indian corn, pumpkins, blackberries 
and whortleberries, fruits of which they had an abund- 
ance. We made presents in return, of knives, awls, 
needles, glass beads and other articles which they prize, 
and with which we were well provided. 

Our guides urged us to remain in this place until the 
next day, as the chiefs would not fail to come in the 
evening with provisions to escort us to the village. 

In fact night had no sooner come, than a large troop 
of Indians, with a number oi women loaded with pro- 
visions, arrived and encamped near by, and made for us 
bread of Indian corn and fruits.* They did not desire to 
speak to us in regular council, but told us we were ex- 
pected in the village, to every cabin of which word had 
been sent, to gather all the old men at a council which 
would be held for the purpose of ascertaining the object 
of our visit. 

M. Dollier, M. de La Salle and myself, consulted to- 

* The Indians dry fruit in the sun and put it in their bread, cooking it in 
the ashes. Sagard voyage, p, 327. 



IT 

gether, in order to determine in .what manner we sliould 
act, "what we should utter for presents, and how we 
should give them. It was agreed that I should go to 
the village with M. de La Salle, for the purpose of ob- 
taining a captive taken from the nation which we de- 
sired to visit, who could conduct us thither, and that we 
should take with us eight of our Frenchmen, the rest to 
remain with M. Dollier in charge of the canoes. This 
plan was carried out, and the next day, August 12th, 
had no sooner dawned, than we were notified by the 
Indians that it was time to set out. We started with 
ten Frenchmen and forty or fifty Indians, who compelled 
us to rest every league, fearing we would be too much 
fatigued. 

About half way we found another company of Indians 
who had come to meet us. They made us presents of 
provisions and accompanied us to the village. 

When we were within about a league of the latter, the 
halt- were more frequent, and our company increased 
more and more, until we finally came in sight of the 
great village, which is in a large plain, about two leagues 
in circumference. In "order to reach it we had to ascend 
a small hill,* on the edge of which the village is situated. 

As soon as Ave had mounted the hill, we saw a large 
company of old men seated on the grass, waiting for us. 
They had left a convenient place in front, in which 
they invited us to sit down. 

This we did, and at the same time an old man, nearly 
blind, and so infirm that he could hardly support him- 
self, arose, and in a very animated tone, delivered a 
speech, in which he declared his joy at our arrival, that 

*Xo\v Bouuhton Hill. 



18 

we must consider the Senecas as our brothers, that they 
would regard us as theirs, and in that relation they in- 
vited us to enter their village, where they had prepared 
a cabin for us until we were ready to disclose our pur- 
pose. We thanked them for their civilities, and told 
them through our interpreter, that we would, on the 
next day, declare to them the object of our expedition. 
This done, an Indian, who officiated as master of cere- 
monies, came to conduct us to our lod^in^s. 

We followed him, and he led us to the largest cabin 
of the village, which they had prepared for our resi- 
dence, giving orders to the women belonging to it not 
to let us want for anything. In truth they were at all 
times very faithful during our sojourn, in preparing our 
food and in bringing the wood necessary to afford us 
light at night. 

This village, like all those of the Indians, is nothing 
but a collection of cabins, surrounded with palisades 
twelve or thirteen feet high, bound together at the top, 
and supported at the base, behind the palisades, by large 
masses of wood of the height of a man. The curtains 
are not otherwise flanked, but form a simple enclosure, 
perfectly square, so that these forts are not any protec- 
tion. Besides this, the precaution is seldom taken to 
place them on the bank of a stream, or near a spring, 
but on some hill, where, ordinarily, they are quite dis- 
tant from water. 

On the evenino- of the 12th we saw all the chiefs of 
the other villages arrive, so as to be in readiness for the 
council which was to be held the next day. 

The Seneca Nation is the most populous of all the 
Iroquois. It comprises four villages, of which two em- 



19 

brace about 100 cabins each, and the other two about 
30 each, containing in all perhaps 1,000 or 1,200 men, 
capable of bearing arms. The two larger are about six 
or seven leagues apart, and each six or seven leagues 
from the shore of the lake.* The land between the 
lake and the easternmost of the larger villages to which 
I went, consists for the most part of fine large meadows, 
in which the grass is as tall as myself, and in places 
where there are woods, the oaks predominate. The}' 
are so scattered that one can easily ride among them on 
horseback. We were told that this open country ex- 
tends towards the east more than one hundred leagues, 
and towards the west and south to an unknown distance, 
especially towards the south, where prairies are found 
without a tree for upwards of one hundred leagues. 
The Indians who have visited those localities say they 
produce very good fruit and Indian corn extremely 
line. 

At length, the ]3th of August having arrived, the 
Indians assembled in our cabin, to the number of fifty or 
sixty of the principal men of the Nation. Their custom 
on entering is to appropriate the most convenient places 
which they find vacant, without reference to rank, and 
immediately to take some lire to light their pipes,f which 
never leave their mouths during the entire sitting of 
the council. They say that good thoughts are produced 
by smoking. 

When the assembly had become sufficiently numerous, 
we began to speak of business, and it was then M. de 

* See page 10, note f 

f The Indians, while attending a council, always light their pipes at the 

fire which is kept burning while the session lasts. 



20 

La Salle confessed he was unable to make himself under- 
stood. On the other hand my interpreter said that he 
did not know enough of French to convey his meaning 
to us. So we deemed it more advisable to employ the 
servant of Father Fremin to speak in our behalf and to in- 
terpret what the Indians should reply, and it was so done. 

It must be stated that Father Fremin was not then 
at his post, but had gone a few days previous to Onon- 
daga, to attend a meeting which was to be held there 
of all the Jesuits scattered among the Five Nations. 
There was therefore no one but the servant of Father 
Fremin, who could serve as our interpreter.* ■ 

Our first present was a pistol with two barrels, worth 
sixty francs, and the message with which we accompa- 
nied the present, was, that we regarded them as our 
brothers, and as such were so strong in their interest, 
that we made them a present of said pistol with two bar- 
rels, so that with one shot they could destroy the Wolf 
Nation, (Loups) and with the other the Andostoues, 
being two nations against which they wage a cruel war.f 

The second present, of six kettles, six hatchets, four 
dozen knives. and five or six pounds of large glass beads, 
declared to them that we had come on the part of On- 
ontio,^ (it is thus they call the Governor,) to establish 
peace. 

* See page 13. 

f The Loups or Wolf Nation were the Mohegans. The Andastes were al- 
most exterminated by the Iroquois in 1672. The survivors were adopted, 
chiefly by the Senecas. Relation 1667, Quebec Edition p, 28. II Charlevoix 
page 244. 

% The signification of Onontio is great mount/cut, being a translation into 
Iroquois of the name of the second Governor of Canada, the Chevalier 
Montmagny. The Indians always applied the. same name to his successors in 
office. Jesuit Relation 1640-1, p. 77. 



21 

The third and Inst present, of two coats, four kettles, 
six hatchets and some glass beads, declared that we had 
come on the part of Onontio, to see the people called by 
them " Toagenha,"* living on the river Ohio, and that 
we asked from them a captive of that country, to con- 
duct us thither. They considered it was necessary to 
think over our proposition, so they waited until the next 
day, before giving their answer. These people have a 
custom never to speak of any business without making 
some present to serve as a reminder of the words which 
they utter. 

Early the next morning, they all came back, and the 
most distinguished chief among them presented a belt 
of wampum, to assure us that we were welcome among 
our brothers. The second present was another belt of 
wampum, to assure us they were firmly resolved to main- 
tain peace with the French, and that their nation had 
never made war upon the French, and did not desire to 
begin it in a time of peace. For the third present, they 
said they would give us a captive as we had requested, 
but they desired to wait until the young men had re- 
turned from trading with the Dutch, to whom they had 
carried all their captives, and then they would not fail 
to e'ive us one. We asked them not to detain us more 
than eight days, because of the advancing season. This 
they promised, and each one withdrew to his own cabin- 
In the meantime they entertained us as well as they 
could, and rivaled each other in feasting us according to 

*The name Otoagannha signifies, " a people speaking a corrupt Algonquin." 
The nation is described as living in a warm and fertile country, on a river, 
which either empties into the Gulf of Mexico or the Vermillion Sea. Rela- 
tion 1661-2, p. 9. This must refer to the Ohio, not then discovered by the 
French. 



22 

the custom of the country. But I assure you I was 
many times more desirous of rendering up what I had in 
my stomach, than of taking into it any thing new. The 
principal food in this village, where they rarely have 
fresh meat, is the dog, the hair of which they singe over 
coals. After having thoroughly scraped the carcass, 
they cut it in pieces and place it in a kettle. When 
cooked, they serve you with a piece weighing three or 
four pounds, in a wooden dish, which has never been 
cleaned with any other dishcloth than the fingers of the 
mistress of the house, which have left their impress 
in the urease that always covers their vessels to the 
thickness of a silver crown. 

Another of their favorite dishes is Indian meal, cooked 
in water, and served in a wooden bowl, with a small 
portion of tournesol, nut or bear's oil.* 

There was not a child in the village but was eager to 
bring 1 us, sometimes stalks of Indian corn and oftentimes 
pumpkins, besides other small fruits which they gather 
in the woods. 

We thus consumed the time, for eight or ten days, 
waiting until the party should return from their trading, 
to give us a captive. 

It was during this interval that, in order to pass away 
the time, I went with M. de La Salle, under the escort of 
two Indians, about four leagues south of the village 
where we were staying, to see a very extraordinary 
spring. Issuing from a moderately high rock, it forms a 
small brook. The water is very clear but has a bad odor, 

* The Jesuit Le Merrier says in the Relation for 1657, p. 33, Quebec Edi- 
tion, that the Indians extract oil from the Tournesol, by means of ashes, the 
mill, fire and water. The Tournesol referred to is probably the common 
sun-flower, which is indigenous to the warmer parts of North America. 



23 

like that of the mineral marshes of Paris, when the mud 
on the bottom is stirred with the foot. I applied a 
torch and the water immediately took fire and burned 
like brandy, and was not extinguished until it rained. 
This flame is among the Indians a sign of abundance or 
sterility according as it exhibits the contrary qualities. 
There is no appearance of sulphur, saltpetre or any other 
combustible material. The water has not even any taste, 
and I can neither offer nor imagine any better explana- 
tion, than that it acquires this combustible property by 
passing over some aluminous land.* 

It was during this interval that they brought some 

*The Spring above described was undoubtedly what is known in this re- 
gion as a " burning spring," many of which abound in Western New York. 

Being desirous of ascertaining if one still existed in the direction and at 
the distance from the Seneca village indicated in the narrative, I found, on 
consulting a map of Ontario County, that a village named " Bristol Centre," 
was at the exact point. On addressing a note of inquiry to a gentlemen re- 
siding there, he answered as follows : 

There are in this Town burning springs, in a direct line south of Boughtorr 
Hill, located in the south side of a small brook which empties through a ra- 
vine into the west side of Mud Creek. The springs are on a level with the 
bed of the brook. The banks opposite the springs are from 18 to 20 feet 
high, perpendicular and rocky. The gas emits a peculiar odor. By apply- 
ing a match the water appears to burn, and is not easily extinguished, except 
by a high wind or heavy rain." 

It will be noticed that the two descriptions, written nearly 200 years apart, 
correspond in a striking manner. The same phenomena, that excited the 
wonder of La Salle and his companions, are still in operation, living witnesses 
of the truth of the Sulpician's narrative. 

In the instructions given by the Earl of Bellomont to Col. Romer, to visit 
the Seneca Country in September, 1700, he directs him "to go and view a 
well or spring which is eight miles beyond the Senecas furthest castle, which 
they have told me blazes up in a flame when a light coal or firebrand is put 
into it. You will do well to taste the said water and give me your opinion 
thereof, and bring with you some of it." N. Y. Col. Doc, Vol. IV, p. 750. 



24 

brandy from the Dutch to the village, on which many 
savages became drunk.* 

. Many times the relations of the person who had been 
killed at Montreal a few days before we left there, threat- 
ened, ia their intoxication, to break our heads or dis- 
patch us with their knives, so as to be able to say after- 
wards, that they committed the base act, when not in 
their senses. They are not in the habit of mourning for 
those who are killed in this manner, for fear of giving 
uneasiness to the living, by reminding him of his offence. 
In the mean time we kept so well on our guard, that we 
escaped all injury. 

During this interval I saw the saddest spectacle I had 
ever witnessed. I was informed one evening, that some 
warriors had arrived with a prisoner, and had placed him 
in a cabin near our own. I went to see him, and found 
him seated with three women, who vied with each other in 
bewailing the death of a relative who had been killed in 
the skirmish in which the prisoner had been captured. 

He was a young man 18 or 20 years old, very well 
formed, whom they had clothed from head to foot since 
his arrival. They had inflicted no injury upon him since 
his capture. They had not even saluted him with blows, 
as is their custom with prisoners on their entering a vil- 
lage. I thought, therefore, that I would have an oppor- 
tunity to demand him for our guide, as they said he was 

* Father Bruyas, then located at Oneida, in writing under date of August 
16th, 1669, from that village, as narrated in the cotemporary Jesuit Relation, 
says: " The Indians have returned this day from their traffic with sixty ban'els 
of Brandy, brought from New Holland." (Albany.) Jesuit Relation 1670, p. 
45; Canadian Edition. 

Thus Hie two Fathers, Bruyas and Galinee, of two rival religious orders, 
and by independent testimony, that of one having never before been published, 
verify the truth of each others statements. See Relation 1670-1, p. 79. 



2D 

one of the Tougenhas.* I then went to find M. de La 
Salle for that purpose, who told me that the Senecas 
were men of their word, that since they had promised 
us a captive, they would give us one, that it mattered 
little whether it was this one or another, and it was use- 
less to press them. I therefore gave myself no further 
trouble about it. Night came on and we retired. 

The next day had no sooner dawned, than a large 
company entered our cabin, to tell us that the captive 
was about to be burned, and that he had asked to see 
the u mistigouch." \ I ran to the public place to see him, 
and found he was already on the scaffold, where they 
had bound him hand and foot to a stake. 

I was surprised to hear him utter some Algonquin words 
which I knew, although, from the manner in which he 
pronounced them, they were hardly recognizable. He 
made me comprehend at last, that he desired his execu- 
tion should be postponed until the next day. If he had 
spoken good Algonquin, 1 would have understood him,. 
but his language differed from the Algonquin still more 
than that of the Ottawas, so I understood but very little. 
I conversed with the Iroquois through our Dutch inter- 
preter, who told me that the captive had been given to 
an old woman, in place of her son who had been killed, 
that she could not bear to see him live, that all the 
family took such a deep interest in his suffering, that 
they would not postpone his torture. The irons were 
already in the fire to torment the poor wretch. 

* The Tougenhas were probably identical with the Shawnees who lived on 
the Ohio, adjacent to the Miami and Scioto rivers. 

f The Algonquin name for Frenchman. Ill Pouchot, p. 364. The mean- 
ing of the name is "builders of wooden canoes," alluding to the ships in 
which the Freneh first appeared to the Indians. Relation 1633, p, 43. Sagard 
voyage, p, 97. 



26 

On my part, I told our interpreter to demand him in 
place of the captive they had promised, and I would 
make a present to the old woman to whom he belonged, 
but he was not at any time willing to make the propo- 
sition, alleging that such was not their custom, and the 
affair was of too serious a nature. 

I even used threats to induce him to say what I de- 
sired, but in vain, for he was obstinate as a Dutchman, 
and ran away to avoid me. , 

I then remained alone near the poor sufferer, who 
saw before him the instruments of his torture. I en- 
deavored to make him understand that he could have no 
recourse but to God, and that he should pray to him thus: 

" Thou who hast made all things, have pity on me. 
I am sorry not to have obeyed Thee, but if I should live, 
1 will obey Thee in all things." 

He understood me better than I expected, because all 
the people who are neighbors to the Outaouacs, under- 
stand Algonquin. I did not consider that I ought to 
baptise him, not only because I could not understand 
him well enough to know his state of mind, but for the 
reason that the Iroquois uVged me to leave him, that they 
might begin their tragedy. 

Besides, I believed that the act of contrition which I 
had caused him to exhibit, would save him. Had I fore- 
seen this event, on the preceding evening, I would cer- 
tainly have baptised him, for I would have had ; during 
the night, time to instruct him. So I could do nothings 
but exhort him to endure patiently, and to carry up his 
sufferings to God, in saying to him often, "Thou who 
hast made all things, have pity on me." This he repeated 
with his eyes raised toward heaven. In the meantime I 



27 

saw the principal relative of the deceased, approach him 
with a gun barrel, half of which was heated red hot. 
This obliged me to withdraw. Some began to disap- 
prove of my encouraging him, inasmuch as it is a bad 
sign among them for a prisoner to endure the torture 
patiently. I retired therefore with sorrow, and had 
scarcely turned away, when the barbarous Iroquois ap- 
plied the red hot gun-barrel to the top of his feet, which 
caused the poor wretch to utter a loud cry. This turned 
me about, and I saw the Iroquois, with a grave and 
sober countenance, apply the iron slowly along his feet and 
legs, and some old men who were smoking around the 
scaffold, and all the young people, leaped with joy, to 
witness the contortions which the severity of the heat 
caused in the poor sufferer. 

While these events were transpiring, I retired to the 
cabin where Ave lodged, full of sorrow at being unable to 
save the poor captive, and it was then that I realized, 
more than ever, the importance of not venturing too far 
among the people of this country, without knowing 
their language, or being certain of obtaining an inter- 
preter. I can affirm, that the lack of an interpreter 
under our own control, prevented the entire success of 
our expedition. 

As I was in our cabin, praying to God, and very sad, 
M. de La Salle came and told me he was apprehensive 
that, in the excitement he saw prevailing in the village, 
they would insult us — that many would become intoxi- 
cated that day, and he had finally resolved to return to 
the place where we had left the canoes, and the rest of 
our people. I told him I was ready to follow, for I had 
difficulty, while remainingTwith him there, in banishing 



28 

from my mind that sad spectacle. We told the seven or 
eight of our people who were there with us, to with- 
draw for the day to a small village half a league from 
the large one, where we were,* for fear of some insult, 
and M. de La Salle and myself went to find M. Dollier, 
six leagues from the village. 

There were some of our people barbarous enough to 
be willing to witness, from beginning to end, the torture 
of the poor Toagenha, and who reported to us the next 
day, that his entire body had been burned with hot irons 
for the space of six hours, that there was not the least 
spot left that had not been roasted. After that they 
had required him to run six courses past the place where 
the Troquois were waiting for him armed with burning 
clubs, with which they goaded and beat him to the 
ground when he attempted to join them. Mairy took 
kettles fall of coals and hot ashes, with which they cov- 
ered him, as soon as, by reason of fatigue and debility, 
he wished to take a moment's repose. At length, after 
two hours of this barbarous diversion, they knocked 
him down with a stone, and throwing themselves upon 
him, cut his body in pieces. One carried off his head, 
another an arm, a third some other member, which they 
put in the pot for the feast. 

Many offered some to the Frenchmen, telling them 
there was nothing in the world better to eat, but no one 
desired to try the experiment. 

In the evening all assembled in the public place, each 
with stick in hand, with which they began to beat the 

* This was a small fortified village, a mile and a half west of Boughton 
Hill, and known as Fort Hill, among the early settlers. New York Hist. 
Coll., Vol. II, New Series, p. 160. 



29 

cabins on all sides, making a very loud noise, to chase 
away, they said, the soul of the deceased, which might 
be concealed in some corner to do them injury. 

Sometime after this we returned to the village, to 
collect among the cabins the Indian corn necessary for 
our journey, and which was brought to us by the women 
•of the place, each according to her means. It had to 
be carried on the back for the six long leagues that lay 
between the village and the place where we were en- 
camped. 

During our stay at that village, we inquired particu- 
larly about the road we must take in order to reach the 
Ohio river, and they all told us to go in search of it 
from Sonnontouan. That it required six days journey 
by land, of about twelve leagues each.* 

This induced us to believe that we could not possibly 
reach it in that way, as we would hardly be able to carry, 
for so long a journey, our necessary provisions, much 
less our baggage. But they told us at the same time, 
that in going to find it by the way of Lake Erie, in 
canoes, we would have only a three days portage before 
arriving at that river, reaching it at a point much nearer 
the people we were seeking, than to go by Sonnontouan. 
What embarrassed us however more than all else was, 
that which the Indians told our Dutch interpreter. They 
said he was devoid of sense to be willing to go to the 
Toaguenha, who were very bad people, who would 
search for our camp-fires in the evening and then come in 
the night to kill us with their arrows, with which they 
would riddle us ere we had discovered them. Besides 

* The route they proposed to take was probably up the Genesee river to 
one of its sources, crossing from thence to the head waters of the Allegany. 



30 



would run erreat risk alone: the river Ohio, of 
meeting the Ontastois* who would surely break our heads. 
That for these reasons the Senecas were not willing to 
go with us for fear it would be thought they were the 
cause of the death of the French, that they hud, with 
great reluctance decided to furnish a guide, fearing that 
Onontio would impute our death to them, and after- 
wards make war upon them out of revenge. 

These discussions continued among them without our 
being able to understand their nature, but I was com- 
pletely astonished to see the ardor of my Dutchman 
abate. He continued to insist that the Indians where 
we wished to go were of no account, and would surely 
kill us. When I told him there was nothing to fear if 
we stationed a good sentinel, he replied, that the senti- 
nel, beino- near the fire, could not see those who would 
come at night, under cover of the trees and thickets. 
Finally it was apparent, from all these speeches, that he 
was alarmed, and in fact he did not discharge his duties 
as o-uide with as much zeal as before. In addition to 
all this, it was evident that the savages were bribed. 
Thus they trifled with us from day to day, saying that 
their people delayed returning from their trading expe- 
dition, longer than they had anticipated. 

We suffered much from this detention, because we lost 
the most favorable season for travelling, and could not 
hope to winter with any nation if we delayed much 
longer, — a contingency which M. de La Salle regarded 
as certain death, because of the difficulty of obtaining 
provisions in the woods. Nevertheless we have, thank 
God, experienced the contrary.- 

*So spelled in the manuscript. It may refer to the Andantes. 



31 

We were relieved of all this difficulty, by the arrival 
from the' Dutch, of an Indian who lodged in our cabin. 
He belonged to a village of one of the Five Iroquois 
nations, which is situated at the end of Lake Ontario, 
for thereon veirience of hunting the deer and the bear, 
which are abundant in that vicinity. This Indian assured 
us that we r would have no trouble in finding a guide, 
that af number p of captives of the nations we desired to 
visit were there, and he would very cheerfully conduct 
us thither. 

We thought it would be well to take this course, not 
only because we would be on our way, approaching the 
place whither we desired to go, but as the village had 
only 18 or fc 20 cabins, we flattered ouiselves we could 
easily become its masters, and exact through fear, what 
would not be willingly accorded to us through friend- 
ship. 

It was under the influence of these hopes that we left 
the Sonnontouans. We found a river, one-eighth of a 
league broad and extremely rapid, forming the outlet or 
communication from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario. The 
depth of the river (for it is properly the St. Lawrence), 
is, at this place extraordinary, for, on sounding close by 
the shore, we found 15 or 16 fathoms of water. This 
outlet is 40 leagues long, and has, from ten to twelve 
leagues above its embouchure into Lake Ontario, one of 
the finest cataracts, or falls of water in the world, for all 
the Indians of whom I have inquired about it, say, that 
the river falls at that place from a rock higher than the 
tallest pines, that is about 200 feet. In fact we heard it 
from the place where we were, although from 10 to 12 
leagues distant, but the fall gives such a momentum to 



32 

the water, that its velocity prevented our ascending the 
current by rowing, except with great difficulty. At a 
quarter of a league from the outlet where we were, it 
arrows narrower, and its channel is confined between two 
very high, steep, rocky banks, inducing the belief that 
the navigation would be very difficult quite up to the 
Cataract. As to the river above the Falls, the current 
very often sucks into this gulf, from a great distance, deer 
and stags, elk and roebucks, that suffer themselves to 
be drawn from such a point in crossing the river, that 
they are compelled to descend the Falls, and to be 
overwhelmed in its frightful abyss.* 

Our desire to reach the little village called Ganastogue 
Sonontou&O-tiii-a-oiia-ta-ouai prevented our going to view 
that wonder, which I consider as so much the greater in 
proportion as the river St. Lawrence is one of the larg- 
est in the world. I will leave you to judge if that is not 
a fine cataract in which all the water of that large river, 
— having its mouth three leagues broad,f — falls from a 
height of 200 feet, with a noise that is heard not only at 
the place where Ave were, 10 or 12 leagues distant, but 
also from the other side of Lake Ontario, opposite its 
mouth, where M. Trouve told me he had heard it. 

* Galintie's description of the Falls is probably the earliest on record. His 
account, which is wholly derived from the Indians, is remarkably correct. 
If they had been visited by the Jesuits prior to the time of this expedition, 
they have failed to relate the fact or to describe them in their Journals. The 
Niagara River is alluded to under the name of OnguiaaJira, as the celebrated 
river of the Neutral nation, by Father L'Allemant in the Jesuit Relation for 
1640-1, p. 65, published in 1642, but he makes no mention of the Cataract. 
Its first appearance is on Champlain's map of 1632. Afterwards on Sanson's 
map of Canada, published in Paris in 1657. It was mentioned by the Indi- 
ans to Cartier, when he ascended the St. Lawrence in 1535. Lescarbot,. 
p. 381, edition of 1609. 

f At the Gulf of St. Lawrence. 



33 

We passed the river, and finally, at the end of five 
days travel arrived at the extremity of Lake Ontario, 
where there is a fine large sandy bay, at the end of which 
is an outlet of another small lake which is there dis- 
charged.^ Into this our £>uicle conducted us about half 
a league, to a point nearest the village, but distant from 
it some 5 or 6 leagues, and where we unloaded our 
canoes. 

We waited here until the chiefs of the village came to 
meet us with some men to carry our effects. M. de La 
Salle was seized, while hunting, with a severe fever,which 
in a few days reduced him very low. 

Some said it was caused by the sight of three large 
rattlesnakes which he had encountered on his way while 
ascending a rocky eminence. f At any rate it is certain 
that it is a very ugly spectacle, for those animals are not 
timid like other serpents, but firmly Avait for a person, 
quickly assuming a defensive attitude, and coiling half 
the body, from the tail to the middle, as if it were a 
large cord, keeping the remainder entirely straight, and 
darting forward, sometimes three or four paces, all the 
time making a loud noise with the rattle which it carries 
at the end of its tail. There are many in this place as 
large as the arm, six or seven feet long and entirely 
black. It vibrates its rattle very rapidly, making a sound 
like a quantity of melon or gourd seeds shaken in a box. 

At length, after waiting three days, the chiefs and 
almost every one in the village came to meet us. We 
held a council in our cabin, where my Dutchman suc- 
ceeded better than had been done in the great village. 

* Burlington Bay. 

f Probably the Mountain ridge. 



34 

We gave two presents to obtain two captives, and a 
third for carrying our effects to the village. The savages- 
made us two presents. The first of 14 or 15 dressed 
deerskins, to assure us they were going to conduct us to> 
their village, but as they were only a handful of. people, 
incapable of resistance, they begged us not to harm 
them, nor burn them, as the French had the Mohawks.. 
We assured them of our good will. They made us still 
another present of about 5,000 shell beads, and after- 
wards two captives for guides. One of them belonged 
to the Chouanons* nation, and the other to the Nez 
Percez. I have since thought that the latter was from 
a nation near the Poutouatamites.f They were both 
excellent hunters, and seemed to be well disposed. 

The Chouanon fell to M. de La Salle, and the other to 
us. They also told us they would aid the next day in 
carrying our effects to the village, so that Ave might go- 
from thence to the banks of a river, on which we could 
embark for Lake Erie. 



I have thus far followed the narrative of Galinee, in a 
literal translation from the French manuscript. Belore 
closing, I will give a brief sketch of the subsequent 
events which attended the expedition. 

On leaving Burlington Bay they ascended the Moun- 
tain ridge, which, crossing the Niagara at Lewiston, 
sweeps round the western end of Lake Ontario. This 
must have been near and north of the present site of 
Hamilton. Aided by the Algonquins, who carried their 
effects, they proceeded to the village of Otinaouataoua, 

* Shawnees. They were neai'ly exterminated by the Iroquois three years 
after. II. Charlevoix, p. 244. 
\ Pottawatamies. 



35 

•situated between the head of the Bay and the Grand 
River, reaching the former on the 22dday of September. 
The Indians urged them strongly to stay at that point 
for missionary work, bur their desire for further discov- 
eries impelled them forward. 

Here it was they met Juliet.* returning from a fruit- 
less expedition, on which he had been sent by M. de 
■Courcelles, in search of the copper mines of Lake Supe- 
rior, and who imparted valuable geographical information 
to Galinee for the construction of his chart, and for his 
course through the Lakes. 

The missionaries, having separated from La Salle, left 
Otinaouataoua on the first of October with their retinue, 
accomplished the remainder of the portage to the Grand 
River, and descended its difficult and tortuous channel, 
now swollen with autumnal rains. In 14 days they 
reached its month and encamped on the northern shore 
of Lake Erie, which they describe as "a vast sea. tossed 
by tempestuous winds " 

At the end of three days they built a cabin for their 
shelter, at or near the mouth of the river. Here they em- 
ployed their time in hunting the game which abounded 
in the neighborhood, and in drying the flesh of two of 
the larger animals, which they had secured for subsistence 
on their journey. To these were added seventy bushels 

* Joliet had left Montreal before the Sulpicians and La Salle, with four 
canoes and some merchandise for the Ottawas. Besides searching for copper 
mines, he had been instructed to find a more feasible route than the one 
then in use, for the transportation of the copper to Montreal. He was unsuc- 
cessful in his search for the mines, but having met with an Iroquois who had 
been taken prisoner by the Ottawas, the captive informed him of the shorter 
route by the way of the Grand River and Lake Ontario, and it was while 
testing its feasibility, that he met La Salle and the Sulpicians. 

The copper mines were first made known by the Jesuits as early as 1659. 
Relation 1659-60, p. 44. 



36 

of nuts of various kinds, which they had gathered in the 
woods, and apples, plums, grapes and hackberries* in 
great quantity. The vine is described as growing spon- 
taneously along the sandy border of the lake, pro- 
ducing grapes as large and palatable as the finest in the 
north of France. The expressed juice of the fruit served 
them all winter for the celebration of Holy Mass. Here 
they spent fifteen days, waiting in vain for the abatement 
of the violent winds which prevailed on the lake at that 
season. Winter being near at hand, it was deemed too 
hazardous to trust their frail bark gondolas on the 
treacherous lake, and they decided to encamp in the 
neighboring woods for the winter. 

They selected a commodious spot about a mile farther 
inland, at the mouth of a small branch of the Grand 
River. Here they rebuilt their cabin, so as to afford 
them shelter from the weather, and protection against 
an enemy. In one end of the building they raised 
the first altar dedicated to Christian worship on the 
banks of Lake Erie.f 

*The Hackberry is undoubtedly the eeltvs occklentalis, or Nettle tree, a native 
of New England and of the Southern States. There is a region in Canada, 
lying north of Lake Erie, which has a climate and soil favorable for the 
growth of more southern plants, and in which many of them abound. This 
would be congenial to the Nettle tree. Gray says it is of medium size, bears 
a sweet edible fruit as large as bird cherries, and ripens in autumn. 

The Jesuits speak of apples shaped like a goose egg, with seeds as large as 
beans, brought from the country of the Eries, having a peculiar odor and 
delicate flavor. Relation 1657, p. 33. Quebec Edition. 

f The Franciscan Father Daillon passed the winter of 1626-7 among the 
Neuter Nation, which resided on both sides of the Niagara and north' of 
Lake Erie, and he may have celebrated mass on the shore of the lake. So 
also the Jesuits Brebeuf and Chaum mot, Avho visited the same nation in 
1640, may have performed the same rite in that locality, but no record has 
been left of the fact. 

The first mass celebrated in Canada was at Quebec, by the Franciscan 
D'Olbeau, on the 25th of June, 1615. I. Le Clercq, ttablissement de la 
Foi, p. 60. 



37 

Fortunately they found the winter much milder than 
they had experienced during their residence at Montreal. 

Six months had nearly passed away before they were 
ready to proceed on their expedition. 

On the 23d of March, 1670, they erected a cross, as a 
memorial of their winter home, to which they affixed the 
arms of Louis XIV., and took formal possession of the 
country in the name of that King. Three days thereafter 
they resumed their voyage toward the west, and arriv- 
ing at the eastern side of Long Point, drew up their 
canoes on the beach, and encamped near the shore. 
•Overcome with fatigue they were soon buried in sleep. 
Not anticipating any disaster, they carelessly left some 
of their effects quite near the water. A violent north- 
east gale arose in the night, disturbing the lake to such 
an extent, that the water rose to the height of six feet, 
and bore away the contents of one of their canoes. 
Fortunately they were aronsed in season to secure the 
remainder. Their powder and lead were lost, and more 
than all, their holy chapel, without which the Eucharist 
could not be celebrated. 

Discouraged by these, misfortunes, they abandoned the 
further prosecution of the enterprise, and returned home 
by the circuitous route of the Sault de Ste Marie and 
Ottawa river, reaching Montreal on the 18th of the 
following June. 

It now remains to notice briefly the further move- 
ments of La Salle. After reaching Otinaouataoua, he 
declined all further connection with the Sulpicians, 
under the pretext that the condition of his health would 
not warrant a winter encampment in the woods. 

On the 30th day of September, the eve of their 



38 

separation, the whole party united in celebrating their 
last Mass together, and the next day the two mission- 
aries, accompanied by Joliet, left for the west as before 
related. La Salle set his face eastward, ostensibly for 
Montreal, but really, as is supposed, with the intention 
of making further efforts to reach the Ohio and the Mis- 
sissippi through the Iroquois country. Unfortunately 
the journals which he kept, and the charts which he 
drew, have, it is feared, been irrecoverably lost. The 
most diligent search among the papers of his family and 
elsewhere, have failed as yet to discover the slightest 
trace of the valuable documents. 

If M. Margry's manuscripts, when published, do not 
settle all the questions that have ariseu in regard to the 
discoveries of La Salle, they will at least shed new light 
and lustre upon the career, and fill some of the blanks 
which exist in the history of that remarkable and in- 
trepid explorer. 

They will give us fuller details of his first expedi- 
tion to the Ohio, in which he is said to have visited the 
falls at Louisville, and from whence, being deserted by 
his companions, he returned alone to Montreal, after 
1,200 miles of foot and canoe travel, subsisting on the 
game and herbs he found in the woods, or received from 
the friendly Indians he met on the way. 

They may afford us satisfactory proof of his discovery 
of the Mississippi in 1671 and 1672, before it was visited 
by Marquette and Joliet, when, it is claimed, he des- 
cended the Illinois to its confluence with the Mississippi, 
and down the latter to the 36th degree of N. latitude.* 

They will give us details of his visit to France in 1674, 

*Margry. in Revue Maritime for 1S72, p. 555. 



39 

when he received a Patent of Nobility ; of his return to 
Canada the following year; of his contentions with the 
Jesuits; and of his voyage to France in 1678, when he 
received new supplies for his American enterprises, and a 
Royal Grant from the king. 

They will give us a more satisfactory account of his 
expedition to the west in 1678-9, in which he built a 
bark on Lake Ontario, and the Griffin on the Niagara; 
'of his voyage in the latter to Green Bay; his coasting by 
canoe along the western shore of Lake Michigan to the 
river St. Joseph ; his portage from the latter to the 
sources of the Illinois, and descent to the foot of Lake 
Peoria, and of his long and wearisome return by way of 
the river St. Joseph, and across the Michigan peninsula 
to the Huron river. How he descended the latter in an 
elm bark canoe of his own construction, to the Detroit 
river, crossing which he found his way by land to Point 
Pelee, from whence, in another canoe, he coasted along 
Lake Erie and the Niagara as far as the clock on which 
he had built the Griffin, and where he first heard tidings 
of its loss, and of the wreck of another ship in the mouth 
of the St. Lawrence, freighted with goods destined for 
liis use. Plow, weary and foot-sore, bronzed by sun and 
weather, but not disheartened, he reached Montreal after 
65 days and 1000 miles of incessant travel by land, lake, 
and river. How several of his canoes, richly laden with 
furs, were lost in the rapids of the St. Lawrence, just in 
sight of their destination. How the news soon followed 
of the destruction of his forts at St. Joseph and Creve- 
coeur, and the desertion of his men. How his creditors 
received the intelligence of his disasters and seized his 
effects. 



40 

They will give us the details of his expedition in 
1680, in which he penetrated the west by the way of 
Lake Ontario, leaving which a little west of Toronto, 
he ascended the River Humber, and passing through 
Lakes Simcoe, Huron and Michigan, reached his deserted 
forts in the Illinois country, where he passed the winter, 
and returned to FortFrontenac in the spring of 1681. 

We shall undoubtedly have full accounts of the expe- 
dition which he made in the following summer, when he 
accomplished his famous descent of the Mississippi to its 
mouth, the first on record, and took possession of the 
country in the name of the King, after whom he called it 
" Louisiana." 

How he returned to Quebec in 1683 and left for 
France in 1684, where he defeated the machinations of 
his enemies at the Court of Loui§ XIV., and, under his 
patronage, organized an expedition of four ships, in 
which he sailed for the mouth of the Mississippi, reaching 
Matagordas Bay in February, 1685. 

How, overwhelmed by the loss of those ships, and the 
treachery of their captain, but, with a courage and self- 
reliance superior to every adversity, and an energy and 
resolution that never faltered, he set out in January, 
1687, with twenty companions, on a long, perilous jour- 
ney to Lake Michigan in search of succor for the little 
colony he had left on the shores of the Mexican Gulf, — a 
mission he was not permitted to accomplish. 

De Soto, after traversing with his mailed warriors our 
southern country, from Florida to the Mississippi, found 
his grave in the bed of the mighty river he had discov- 
ered. Marquette, the next in the order of explorers, was 
overtaken by death while returning homeward through 



41 

Lake Michigan, and buried where he died, on the eastern 
.shore of that Lake, at the mouth of the river which 
perpetuates his name. 

La Salle, less fortunate in being denied a natural 
death, also closed his career in the land he was en- 
gaged in exploring. Arrested on his errand of mercy 
by the hand of an assassin, he fell by treachery in 1687? 
on a branch of the Trinity river in Texas, where his un- 
buried remains were left a prey to the savage beasts of 
the wilderness. 

The American people, who entered upon and devel- 
oped the inheritance he left as the fruit of his bold 
and sagacious enterprises, have built no monument to his 
memory. Here and there an insignificant locality bears 
his name, and one of the four historical panels in the 
rotunda of the Capitol at Washington is occupied by his 
portrait, in proximity to those of Columbus, Raleigh 
and Cabot. 

An authentic and detailed account of his discoveries 
and explorations, illustrated with maps and portraits, 
compiled from original sources under the supervision of 
one who has devoted a life-time to the subject, and pub- 
lished to the world under the auspices of the American 
Congress, will constitute a memorial more enduring and 
appropriate than the most imposing structure of bronze 
or marble. 



APPENDIX. 

THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME SENECA. 

How this name originated, is a vexata qucestio among Indo-antiquarians 
and etymologists. The least plausible supposition is, that the name has any 
reference to Hie moralist Seneca. 

Some have supposed it to be a corruption of the Dutch term for Vermillion, 
cinebar or cinnabar, under the assumption that the Senecas, being the most 
warlike of the Five Nations, used that pigment more than the others, and 
thus gave origin to the name.* 

This hypothesis is supported by no authority. The use of war paint, com- 
mon to every Indian nation, was not so exclusively practiced by the Senecas, 
as to be likely to give origin to their national name. Besides, Vermillion is 
the red sulphuret of mercury, and was hardly procureable by the Indians in 
1616, when the name was first used. They undoubtedly made use of some 
vegetable dye at that early day. 

The name " Sennecas" first appears on a Dutch Map of 1616, and again on 
Jean de Laets' map of 1633. Inasmuch as it comes to us through a Dutch 
medium, it is claimed by some that it is derived from the Algouquins, with 
whom the Dutch had their first intercourse. The map of 1616 above 
referred to, was compiled from the report of one Kleynties, based on a 
previous exploration of the Iroquois country. On this map it is written 
" Sennecas." A copy may be found in the first volume of the N. Y. Col. Doc. 
p. 10. The tribe is placed on the map in the territory of the Iroquois, and 
apparently near Oneida Lake, but in a note inscribed on the map, the author 
says, "the Sennecas ought to be placed farther west into the country." 

The question arises from whom did Kleynties obtain the name? The MS. 
note above mentioned, says that he and his companion went on an expedi- 
tion from the Mohmck country into the interior. They must have had a Mo- 
hawk, rather than an Algonquin guide, as the latter nation was always at 
enmity with the Iroquois. This renders it possible that the name Seneca was 
obtained through the lips of the Mohawk, and that in writing it "Sennecas" 
Kleynties attempted to give the name as it sounded to his ears when spoken 
by the Mohawk. 

. It is claimed by some that the word may be derived from " Sinnekox," the 
Algonquin name of a tribe of Indians spoken of in Wassenaer's History of 
Europe, on the authority of Pieter Barentz, who traded with them about the 
year 1626. Their residence is not stated, and it is by no means certain that 

"Cornplanter Memorial, p. 24. 



44 

they are identical with the Senecas. Doc. Hist. N. Y. Vol. 3. p. 29. As the 
Senecas are located by De Laets' map on the south side of Oneida Lake, Mr. 
Trumbull thinks that the name was bestowed by the Algonquins on the 
Oneidas, from the fact that assene, in, Algonquin, signifies ' a stone," and ga 
or ke, " place of," being an Algonquin translation of the Iroquois name of 
Oneida, into Assinauke, or "place of the Stone." He thinks that when the 
o-eooraphical divisions of the Iroquois became better known, Ihe Senecas 
were assigned their true position further west, still retaining, in the nomen- 
clature of the geographers, the name which belonged to the Oneidas. The 
opinion of so eminent an authority as Mr. Trumbull is certainly worthy of 
consideration It would however be a more natural and satisfactory solution 
of the question, if their national name could be derived from the Senecas 
themselves. Without assuming to solve the mystery, the writer will content 
himself with giving some data which may possibly aid others in arriving 
at a reliable conclusion. 

The French, in their pioneer explorations of Canada, derived their knowl- 
edge of the Senecas through the Franciscan and Jesuit Missionaries. Those 
holy Fathers first heard of them through the Hurons, among whom they 
established at a very early day the missions of their respective Orders. The 
Hurons called them Sonontouerhonons, that is, "people of Sonnontouan" the 
termination rhonoiM or rontons signifying "people." * 

Their name first occurs in the Jesuit Relation for 1635, and is there writ- 
ten by Brebeuf, Sonontoen7ionons. Relation 1635, p. 33. 

Le Mercier spells it Sonontouanhrronon Relations 1637, p. 111. 

Le Jeune mentions the Sonontotiehronons. Relation 1640, p. 35. 

They are subsequently called Tsonnontouans. Relation 1670, page 69, 
and Tshonnontouans. Le Clercq Etablissement de la Foi "Vol. II. p. 187. 

The Hurons and Senecas spoke a kindred language, and the word Sonnon- 
touan is the same in both dialects. It signifies "great hill," and in the Seneca 
is compounded of onondah, hill, and go waah, great. 1 he Senecas, in form- 
ing a compound word, usually drop all which follow the initial consonant of 
the last syllable of the noun, and the initial consonant of the adjective, and 
then suffix the latter to the former. Thus the compound of the above be- 
comes Onondowaah, or great hill, written Sonnontouan by the Jesuits, f The 
letter S when prefixed conveys the idea of 2wssession, and in some cases Ts, 
is substituted to represent a lisping sound of the S, which was formerly quite 
common among the Senecas, and is still occasionally heard. 

To this word, Onondowaah or great hill, the suffix gaali was added, to denote 
the Seneca people. By dropping the neuter prefix O, the nation d title became 
Nan-do-rcah-gaah or " The Great Hill people" as now used by the Senecas- 

Sometimes the suffix o-noh is substituted for gaah, which would make Nan- 
do-wa-o-noh, having however the same meaning. Morgan's League, p. 51. 

* Relations 1635. p. 33 and 1654, p. 18. See Relation for 1670, p. 69., where it is written Tsonnon- 
touan. 
t Alluding to their residence on Boughton Hill where their principal village was located. See p. 10. 



45 

The termination o-noh signifying " inhabitants," is nearly identical with the 
ronons or rlumons of the Hurons, and has the same signification. 

The Mohawks use the terminations ronnon and fiaga, which correspond 
with the similar words used hy the Senecas. Bruyas' Dictionary, p. 18. 

In the vocabulary of the Huron or Wyandot language, as given by Mr. 
Gallatin, Coll. Am. Ant. Society, Vol. II, pp. 334 and 348, the Huron word 
for hill is given as onontali, and for great, (men. If compounded, they would 
form Onontaouen or great hill, which is only a dialectical variation from the 
Seneca JVan-do-wah, and embraces such a resemblance as we would expect from 
the common origin of the two nations. 

In pronouncing ihe Indian names written by the Jesuits, the French vowel 
and nasal sounds must be regarded. The French, having no "w," express its 
sound by the combination " ou." In writing Indian words the letters d and t 
are often used interchangeably. 

If the name Seneca can legitimately be derived from the Seneca word Nan- 
do-wah-gaah as above given, it can only be done by prefixing Son, as was the 
custom of the Jesuits, and dropping all unnecessary letters. It would then 
form the word Son-non-do-wa-ga, the first two and last syllable of which, if the 
French sounds of the letters are given, are almost identical in pronunciation 
with Seneca. The chief difficulty, howtver, would be in the disposal of the 
two superfluous syllables. They may have been dropped in the process of 
contraction so common in the composition of Indian words — a result which 
would be quite likely to occur to a Seneca name, in its transmission through 
two other languages, the Mohawk and the Dutch. 

The foregoing queries and suggestions are thrown out for what they are 
worth, in the absence of any more reliable theory. It is to be hoped that a 
happy solution of the vexed question may yet be reached by some investigator 
having the necessary facilities and qualifications. 



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